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32-Hour Workweek Without Loss of Pay or Benefits
32-Hour Workweek Without Loss of Pay or Benefits
Published by Die Neue Zeit
2nd September 2008
Default 32-Hour Workweek Without Loss of Pay or Benefits

32-Hour Workweek Without Loss of Pay or Benefits

“Capitalist philanthropy becomes constantly more timid; it tends more and more to leave to the workers themselves the struggle for their protection. The modern struggle for the eight-hour day bears a very different aspect from the one which was carried on in England fifty years ago for the ten-hour day. The property-holding politicians who are advocating the modern measure are moved, not by philanthropy; but by the necessity of yielding to their working-class constituents. The struggle for labor legislation is becoming more and more a class-struggle between proletarians and capitalists. On the continent of Europe and in the United States, where the struggle for labor laws commenced much later than in England, it bore this character from the start. The proletariat has nothing more to hope for from the property-holding classes in its endeavor to raise itself. It now depends wholly upon its own efforts.” (Karl Kautsky)

The above quote is a brief history lesson on the rather spontaneous but historic struggles for shortened workdays. In 1810, the Utopian-Socialist Robert Owen raised the demand for the ten-hour day. In 1848 France, just when the Communist Manifesto was published, the twelve-hour day was won. In Chapter 10 of Volume I of Das Kapital, Marx recalled the events that transpired during the previous year (1866):

The Congress of the International Working Men’s Association at Geneva, on the proposition of the London General Council, resolved that “the limitation of the working-day is a preliminary condition without which all further attempts at improvement and emancipation must prove abortive... the Congress proposes eight hours as the legal limit of the working-day.”

Thus the movement of the working-class on both sides of the Atlantic, that had grown instinctively out of the conditions of production themselves, endorsed the words of the English Factory Inspector, R. J. Saunders: “Further steps towards a reformation of society can never be carried out with any hope of success, unless the hours of labour be limited, and the prescribed limit strictly enforced.


In modern times, the 8-hour workday and 40-hour workweek are taken for granted. However, consider a notable exception, South Korea, as reported by Arirang News in 2006:

People in Seoul work the longest hours per year in the world, says a study by the Swiss financial group Union des Banques Suisses (UBS). In a recent report, UBS says that Seoul residents spend more than 2,300 hours at work each year. That's the longest among 71 world cities surveyed.

Based on a 42-hour workweek, the average South Korean worker puts in about 60 days a year more than their peers in Paris who spend just 1,480 hours on the job, the world's lowest. Only official contracts and work schedules were considered,

"My official work hours are from 9 in the morning until 7 in the evening. But due to a heavy workload, I go home at around 8 or 9 about three times a week," one Seoul office worker said.

"On average," he added, "I take off at 10 or 11 p.m. about three times a week. I do this for my company's success and for my own sense of accomplishment. Fortunately, I have my family's full support and understanding."

But longer hours do not mean necessarily better salaries. In fact, in South Korea, dedication and sacrifice come before monetary pursuit, though money is often seen as a measure of success.

The survey ranked Seoul residents only 32nd in wages per working hours. Using New York's salary level of 100 as the benchmark, Seoul had a score of a mere 44. Tokyo led Asia in salary at 18th with 78 points. Topping the list, meanwhile, were the northern European cities of Copenhagen and Oslo.


In examining the validity of this new and radical demand, the dynamic oppositionist test [...] must be applied.

Does this reform facilitate the issuance of either intermediate or threshold demands? Recall what I said in my earlier work [...]:

Already this demand surpasses the “maximum demands” of most modern “social-democratic” economists! According to the primarily single-issue Work Less Party in Canada (better marketed as “Work Less, Do More”), this modern version of the historic struggle for the eight-hour workday: reduces society’s environmental footprint, reduces unemployment, promotes an increase in cultural activities and social life in general, and especially promotes an increase in real political activity (both civic participation and heightened political activism as the bases of basic participatory democracy) at the expense of “politics” as, in the words of the Weekly Worker’s Mike Macnair, “a consumer good supplied by professional and semi-professional politicians who offer various competing ‘brands’ […]”

Based on all the history above, which undoubtedly inspired the aforementioned single-issue political party to say what it said regarding political activity, this demand meets and exceeds the Hahnel criterion. Before moving on to the Kautsky criterion, consider the position of the rather unusual “social-democratic” United States Labor Party (unusual amongst “social-democratic” parties in terms of raising this demand, thereby being less accommodationist than usual), in spite of the orientation towards factory labour:

Each year we become more and more productive at work. In a fair and just economy, increased productivity should allow us to work fewer hours, not more. Yet compared to the late 1960s, we are now working an average of more than one extra month annually. We work longer hours and have less vacation time than almost all workers in the industrialized world. While many of us cannot find work, factory overtime is now at record levels because it is more profitable to pay overtime than it is to hire new workers. Enough is enough. We call for amending the federal labor laws to: Define the normal work week to 32 hours without loss of pay or benefits; Provide a minimum of double-time pay for all hours worked over 32 hours a week and 8 hours a day; Forbid compulsory overtime; Mandate one hour off with pay for every two hours of overtime; Require twenty days paid vacation for all workers in addition to the federal holidays; Provide one year of paid educational leave for every seven years worked. Taken together these proposals will create millions of new jobs and allow us free time we need to care for our families and to participate in our communities. More family time and more community participation should be the fruit of increased labor productivity.

Does this reform enable the basic principles to be “kept consciously in view”? Well, how can a highly class-conscious working class find the time to organize, let alone capture full political power and emancipate itself thereafter, without limitations on both the workday and the workweek?



REFERENCES:

The Class Struggle (Erfurt Programme) by Karl Kautsky [http://www.marxists.org/archive/kaut...furt/index.htm]

Das Kapital, Volume I by Karl Marx [http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx...c1/ch10.htm#S7]

Seoul Has World's Longest Working Hours by Arirang News [http://english.chosun.com/w21data/ht...608140013.html]

The objectives of a reduced work week by Conrad Schmidt [http://www.worklessparty.org/index.php?opt...id=41&Itemid=71]

Bringing about a Marxist party by Mike Macnair [http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/641/macnair.htm]

A Call for Economic Justice: The Labor Party's Program by the United States Labor Party [http://www.thelaborparty.org/a_progra.html#6]
Latest 5 articles

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  #1  
By Red Anarchist of Love on 4th September 2008, 01:12
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this is a brillant idea it would allow the working class to spend more time with there familes, createing a better life for now and the future.
  #2  
By Die Neue Zeit on 4th September 2008, 02:57
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I don't think you got the political emphasis of the demand above (and yes, I realize the ordinary "labour" aspect of this demand, but that was a secondary issue, as implied by the presentation of the article).
  #3  
By Q on 23rd December 2008, 19:34
Default

We've been on the same demand for years*, I fully applaud this.

*The exact amount of time per working week differs from section to section according to material circumstances, in the Netherlands we do call for 32 hours without loss of pay, although I'd rather defend a 6 hour working day (30 hour week).
  #4  
By Ol' Dirty on 24th December 2008, 18:32
Default

Four-hour day, no loss in pay!
  #5  
By Rakunin on 28th December 2008, 16:07
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Q-collective View Post
We've been on the same demand for years*, I fully applaud this.
Yes, but there is one (important) difference between this and the CWI's formulation (which JR pm'ed to me yesterday) and that is the political or "democratic" character of the OP's formulation (which made me once write that the 32-hour workweek is a political demand):
Quote:
Originally Posted by Richter
Notice the difference between my take on the 32-hour workweek and the CWI: mine was based on participatory democracy and historical precedents, leaving aside environmental concerns, cultural and social life, and unemployment reduction as mere side benefits. The CWI take, on the other hand, is ironically one step *below* that of the Work Less Party.
What stands in the way of a more political or "democratic" formulation of the demand for a 32-hour workweek is the transitional aproach, which necessarily departs from the level of consciousness of today's avarage worker. The OP hasn't got a transtional approach but a "minimal" and Erfurtian(?) approach:
Quote:
Originally Posted by Richter
Does this reform enable the basic principles to be “kept consciously in view”? Well, how can a highly class-conscious working class find the time to organize, let alone capture full political power and emancipate itself thereafter, without limitations on both the workday and the workweek?
and...
Quote:
Originally Posted by Karl Marx
The Congress of the International Working Men’s Association at Geneva, on the proposition of the London General Council, resolved that “the limitation of the working-day is a preliminary condition without which all further attempts at improvement and emancipation must prove abortive... the Congress proposes eight hours as the legal limit of the working-day.”

Thus the movement of the working-class on both sides of the Atlantic, that had grown instinctively out of the conditions of production themselves, endorsed the words of the English Factory Inspector, R. J. Saunders: “Further steps towards a reformation of society can never be carried out with any hope of success, unless the hours of labour be limited, and the prescribed limit strictly enforced.
vs. (transitional)
Quote:
Originally Posted by LSP/MAS (CWI Belgium)
32-hour working week

In the private sector, the "free" market ruins everything in its path. All former achievements are demolished in the name of competitiveness. Real contracts are substituted for subcontracting, temporary work and other fake jobs.

One million workers are regularly confronted with unemployment. This has led to the impoverishment of some of the workers and their families. Pensions, unemployment and sickness benefits are on the slope by the erosion of social security.

The Socialist Left Party/Socialist Party of Struggle (Linkse Socialistische Partij/Parti Socialiste de Lutte) argues for the full recovery of the index and a minimum wage of 1,500 EUR net, against the degradation of social security and the erosion of the employment contract. We are opposed to any closure of factories under capitalism because it only leads to unemployment and poverty.

The only measure that can solve the massive unemployment is the immediate introduction of the 32-hour working week without loss of pay and proportional recruitment.
(This is the most extensive formulation of the 32-hour demand I found. Any comrade who has found a better or more extensive formulation from any other branch of the CWI can post it to give a the reader a better view of the CWI's demand for a 32-hour workweek).
  #6  
By Die Neue Zeit on 28th December 2008, 16:25
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Rakunin View Post
What stands in the way of a more political or "democratic" formulation of the demand for a 32-hour workweek is the transitional aproach, which necessarily departs from the level of consciousness of today's average worker. The OP hasn't got a transitional approach but a "minimal" and Erfurtian(?) approach
[Yes to "Erfurtian" ]

I'm not sure about your remarks on "departing from the level of consciousness." The participatory-democratic emphasis of this demand does depart from such (moreso than the CWI's formulation), primarily because most people think of [parliamentary] "ballots" vs. "bullets," and also because most people think of added leisure time without the participatory-democratic emphasis.

On the other hand, if I remember correctly, not every demand in The Transitional Program is strictly "transitional" (whether "transitional" to the DOTP "minimum" a la CPGB - taken to be part of the orthodox "maximum" - or "transitional" to the maximum of communism itself):

Quote:
Originally Posted by Trotsky
This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today’s conditions and from today’s consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat.
[As per my usual pickiness with words, I interpret "include" to mean that there are other key elements as part of that "bridge."]
Last edited by Die Neue Zeit; 28th December 2008 at 16:48..
  #7  
By Rakunin on 28th December 2008, 16:57
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Jacob Richter View Post
On the other hand, if I remember correctly, not every demand in The Transitional Program is strictly "transitional" (whether "transitional" to the DOTP "minimum" a la CPGB - taken to be part of the orthodox "maximum" - or "transitional" to the maximum of communism itself):

[As per my usual pickiness with words, I interpret "include" to mean that there are other key elements as part of that "bridge."]
I'm confused again. Apart from any formulation of the maximum and Transitional demands, what else could be part of (or included in) the program?

Doesn't this make any distinction between the Minimum-maximum Program of revolutionary social-democracy and the Transitional Program obsolete (apart from the shortcomings in both programs (1) (2))? If so, does it in anyway mean that both the polemics between "Trotskyism" and (CPGB's) "Leninism" are exagerations?
  #8  
By Die Neue Zeit on 28th December 2008, 18:09
Default

Well, comrade, the defense of democratic rights was implied if not included outright in the Transitional Program, most notably in the section regarding fascist countries. The minimum-maximum program and the supposedly different "program of/for soviet power" (Lenin as quoted by Mark Hoskinson in "Debating the Marxist Programme" with Mike Macnair) emphasized "politico-political" demands:

http://www.marxists.org/archive/leni...ft/02feb07.htm

Quote:
For these reasons the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party advances as its immediate political task the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy and its replacement by a republic based on a democratic constitution [...]

For its part, the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party is firmly convinced that the complete, consistent, and lasting implementation of the indicated political and social changes can be achieved only by overthrowing the autocracy and convoking a Constituent Assembly, freely elected by the whole people.
Or this:

http://www.marxists.org/archive/leni...iprog/ch04.htm

Quote:
The party of the proletariat cannot rest content with a bourgeois parliamentary democratic republic, which throughout the world preserves and strives to perpetuate the monarchist instruments for the oppression of the masses, namely, the police, the standing army, and the privileged bureaucracy.

The party fights for a more democratic workers’ and peasants’ republic, in which the police and the standing army will be abolished and replaced by the universally armed people, by a people’s militia; all officials will be not only elective, but also subject to recall at any time upon the demand of a majority of the electors; all officials, without exception, will be paid at a rate not exceeding the average wage of a competent worker; parliamentary representative institutions will be gradually replaced by Soviets of people’s representatives (from various classes and professions, or from various localities), functioning as both legislative and executive bodies.
Because the Transitional Program's "democratic" content was limited to the defense of "democratic" rights, the overall program emphasized economic demands (sliding scales ratified by the sum of the employers and not legislated by the state, against business secrets at the level of the sum of the employers vs. state secrets, etc.).

Also keep in mind that Trotsky's idea of "soviets" was the 1905 form (akin to "congresses" of factory committees in 1917-1920), NOT the "parliamentary" 1918 form (Kautsky's "parliamentarism" in the 1890s and the Second International consensus shortly thereafter):

http://www.marxists.org/archive/trot...p-text2.htm#so

Quote:
Factory committees, as already stated, are elements of dual power inside the factory. Consequently, their existence is possible only under conditions of increasing pressure by the masses. This is likewise true of special mass groupings for the struggle against war, of the committees on prices, and all other new centers of the movement, the very appearance of which bears witness to the fact that the class struggle has overflowed the limits of the traditional organizations of the proletariat.

[...]

Soviets are not limited to an a priori party program. They throw open their doors to all the exploited. Through these doors pass representatives of all strata, drawn into the general current of the struggle. The organization, broadening out together with the movement, is renewed again and again in its womb. All political currents of the proletariat can struggle for leadership of the soviets on the basis of the widest democracy. The slogan of soviets, therefore, crowns the program of transitional demands.

Soviets can arise only at the time when the mass movement enters into an openly revolutionary stage. From the first moment of their appearance, the soviets, acting as a pivot around which millions of toilers are united in their struggle against the exploiters, become competitors and opponents of local authorities and then of the central government. If the factory committee creates a dual power in the factory, then the soviets initiate a period of dual power in the country.
Macnair's thoughts:

http://thecommune.wordpress.com/2008...-mike-macnair/

Quote:
In this respect, my point about the Russian soviets’ form of organisation is that a Congress of Soviets which met infrequently could not hold its Executive Committee to account - let alone the Sovnarkom which was theoretically accountable to the Executive Committee. In order to hold the government to account, the congress would have needed to become a standing body which met every weekday apart from holidays, like a parliament. But the form (infrequently meeting congress/soviet - more frequently meeting executive committee, + daily meeting government) is copied from the form of workers’ organisations (trade unions and parties). The point is that the organisations of struggle are inappropriate in their forms to the task of exercising power, i.e. taking coordinating decisions for the whole society.
Last edited by Die Neue Zeit; 3rd January 2009 at 06:54..
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